Weitere Reden von Staats- und Regierungschefs im Rahmen des Gipfels in Astana

Frankreich

Speech by Premier Ministre François Fillon OSCE

Summit, Astana (Kazakhstan),Wednesday, 1 December

Mr President, Mr Secretary-General,Heads of State and Government,

Ministers,Ladies and gentlemen,

Meeting here today in Astana, it is our wish solemnly to recall that the principles proclaimed by the Helsinki Charter 35 years ago are still relevant today despite all the upheavals that have occurred on our continent.

The strength of the OSCE is to accommodate under a single umbrella 56 nations linked bycommon values, 56 nations whose intention is to resolve by mutual consultation the conflictsfrom which Europe has so often suffered in the past.

More than ten years after the Istanbul Summit, I wish to thank President Nazarbayev for having taken the initiative of organising this Summit, and for having thus made it possible to give practical expression to the proposal made two years ago by the President of the Republic, Nicolas Sarkozy. That proposal was motivated by the shock of the conflict in Georgia and its repercussions for our common security space. But it was also based on an observation of fact limited neither to the European region nor to the theme of security: the observation that we cannot face up together to the realities of the 21st century using tools from the 20th century.

Since the last OSCE summit in 1999, new threats have appeared:

- The emergence of international terrorist networks in an arc of crisis stretching from

Afghanistan to the regions of the Sahel;

- The development of criminal organisations with international ramifications;

- The proliferation crisis in Iran, which has become a serious abscess for our security;

- The existence of systemic risks such as those linked to the volatility of commodity

prices and the financialisation of our economies.

However, alongside those risks there are positive developments such as the remarkable economic rise of the emerging countries, enabling whole continents to leave poverty behind. That meteoric rise is good news for the world, but it can generate tension. If we are to face up together to these challenges, if multipolarity is to be a factor for peace, we must channel it within a new multilateralism supported by reform of international institutions. That is the logic underlying our creation of new and more effective institutions with our partners in the European Union. That is also the logic underlying the recent implementation by the Member States of NATO of a new strategic concept and their decision in mutual agreement with Russia to take their partnership a further stage forward. And finally, it is in that same spirit that we wish to conduct our Presidency of the G8 and the G20: in the face of the systemic problems revealed by the economic and financial crisis of 2008, there can be no return to business as usual nor any return with resignation to the previously prevailing order.

Today, within the framework of the OSCE, we must be ambitious enough to launch a new

partnership. Our goal, supported jointly with Germany, must be to turn over a new page and leave behind the rivalries of the past; it must be to lay the foundations of a community of security in the Euro-Atlantic and Euro-Asian spheres: - A community founded on the existing commitments and principles of the Helsinki Final Act and the Paris Charter; - A community based on respect for territorial integrity, underpinned by a reliable arms control regime and the ruling out of the use of force in the resolution of disputes;

- A community that acknowledges the freedom of States to choose their allies, just as it

acknowledges the indivisible nature of security in our common space;

- And, lastly, a community that remembers that if we are to guarantee long-term

security we need a holistic approach taking into account not only the military issues

but also economic and environmental questions, respect of human rights and the

progress of democracy.

If we are to travel down that road, we must provide improved guarantees of security within our common space. And to achieve that, we must first take the settlement of frozen conflicts forward resolutely. Regarding Transnistria, negotiations must enter into a more active phase and they must be accompanied by confidence-building measures aimed at a settlement of the conflict that preserves the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Moldavia. The European Union will continue to support the OSCE in this endeavour.

Where Georgia is concerned, we wish to see its independence, its sovereignty and its territorial integrity respected within internationally recognised borders. We call on the parties to implement fully and entirely the Agreements of 12 August and 8 September 2008; we support the Geneva Discussions and we consider it imperative that the international organisations should be present once again on the ground. We salute the solemn undertaking given by the President of Georgia before the European Parliament to refrain from the use of force and we call on all the parties to accept this open hand.

And lastly, as Co-Chair of the Minsk Group, France is determined to assist in the settlement of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, to which there can only be a balanced and negotiated political solution, on the basis, among other elements, of the proposals jointly articulated by presidents Sarkozy, Medvedev and Obama in L’Aquila and Muskoka. These proposals are to be considered as an integrated whole. The OSCE is an expression of our common destiny, but it must be able to act with greater speed.

As the crisis in Kyrgyzstan demonstrated, we must equip our organisation with the means for greater reactivity and effectiveness.

With regard to arms control, we are on the point of taking a first step by modernising our transparency and confidence-building measures.

We must also arrive at an agreement on the launch of new negotiations on the future of the Conventional Forces in Europe (CFE) regime.

We must make the new threats an integral part of our cooperative programmes. Whether the issue is organised crime or terrorist proselytizing, these scourges concern us all and they call for a concerted response. And to conclude, we must support more effectively everywhere the stability and reinforcement of democratic institutions. They are essential components of lasting security for all.

That is, in France’s view, the programme that must be undertaken by the OSCE from this Summit on. That is the roadmap that demands in-depth revision of our tools and our practices. It is a roadmap that is part of a broader vision. A vision marked by the renovation of international organisations, marked by the development of partnerships across our continent at every level: the common economic and human space shared by the European Union and Russia, relations between the European Union and its continental partners in the Eastern Partnership, cooperation between the European Union and its neighbours in the South through the Union for the Mediterranean.

Mr President,

Let me express the wish that this Summit in Astana should mark a crucial political stage in the strengthening of our collective security instruments. We must confirm here and now the OSCE’s relevance and prepare for its adaptation to a fast-changing world. It is our responsibility, here and now, to make progress on security in Europe and the security of Europe.

USA

REMARKS
Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton
at OSCE Summit in Astana, Kazakhstan
December 1, 2010

Thank you very much, Mr. President, and I thank you, the
chairman in office and the government and people of Kazakhstan for your gracious welcome to this beautiful capital city and for hosting this important summit.
This is a significant meeting for the OSCE. It is not only the first summit since 1999; it is also the first-ever summit east of Istanbul. And we have the opportunity, if we seize it, to reconnect today’s organization with the history-making spirit of Helsinki and carry it forward into the 21st century.
The Helsinki Final Act was based on respect for territorial integrity, self-determination, and peaceful relations among states. But also, it brought to the forefront of international dialogue the revolutionary idea that true security demands democracy, human rights, and fundamental freedoms for individuals within states. Since 1975, this concept of comprehensive security has been a rallying cry for generations of reformers who have claimed their rights and left their mark on our history. And in this globalized, interconnected world, comprehensive security also means that insecurity anywhere in the OSCE region is a challenge for all of us.
Yet I think as we’ve already heard from so many of the preceding speakers, the principles and commitments enshrined in the accords face serious challenges. Regional crises and transnational dangers threaten our people. Democracies are under pressure and protracted conflicts remain dangerously unresolved. Therefore, we meet at a time when the OSCE, which was designed to tackle multidimensional challenges, can only be effective if participating states back its institutions and missions with political will. That is why we are seeking not only a strong document that reaffirms our commitment to Helsinki’s founding ideals and their implementation,but also a forward-looking framework for action that translates Helsinki principles into concrete steps to advance security in all its dimensions.

In my brief time, I would like to outline three of our priorities. 

First, an increased role supporting our mutual interests in Afghanistan. I thank the leaders at this table who have recognized that instability in Afghanistan is dangerous not only for Central Asia, but for the OSCE region as a whole. Individual nations have been important partners in helping the Afghan people rebuild their country and pursue comprehensive security. Forty OSCE nations already contribute to the coalition and our host, Kazakhstan, will soon join them. But the OSCE itself should play a greater role. OSCE participating states have 1,200 miles of borders with Afghanistan. And we should expect OSCE efforts to improve border security, counter illicit trafficking, boost legitimate trade, and promote economic development. Afghanistan is just one conflict where the OSCE can and should play an expanded role. In fact, we believe the organization needs to be empowered to respond more effectively to crises within the OSCE itself. It is encouraging that Russia also recognizes the need to improve on our existing capacity. And we are working to find a framework that will allow for timely, impartial OSCE reporting during emergencies like those we have seen in Georgia and Kyrgyzstan. And again, I commend Kazakhstan for the leadership role that it played in responding to the situation in Kyrgyzstan. 

Second, a greater capacity to respond to urgent conflicts would be a big step forward, but an even more essential task is to strengthen OSCE’s role in preventing conflict from erupting or reigniting. There is no other regional organization as well positioned to do so. We can start with Georgia, whose sovereignty and territorial integrity the United States strongly supports. It is regrettable that a participating state has proposed to host a mission and the OSCE has not been allowed to respond. We here at this table must let this organization do its job and restore a meaningful OSCE presence to Georgia. We also call on all parties to fully respect and implement the August and September 2008 ceasefire arrangements. In this regard, we particularly welcome President Saakashvili’s pledge not to use force unilaterally. And we hope this pledge can help us break new diplomatic ground.  We hope that this summit’s framework for action will also call for the resumption without delay of formal 5+2 talks to resolve the conflict in Moldova and identify specific steps to promote transparency and demilitarization of the conflict consistent with OSCE goals, statements, and commitments. And we must also renew our efforts toward a settlement in Nagorno-Karabakh based on basic principles elaborated under the auspices of the Minsk Group. Let me reiterate on behalf of the Minsk Group co-chair countries that the foundation of any lasting and fair settlement must be the Helsinki principles as well as the six elements articulated by Presidents Medvedev, Sarkozy, and Obama on July 10, 2009 at L’Aquila and repeated at Muskoka on June
26, 2010.  These proposed elements were conceived as an integrated whole and any attempt to select some elements over others would make it impossible to achieve a balanced solution. We can also contribute to stability across the OSCE region by expanding and updating the military-to-military confidence and security-building measures of the Vienna Document to bring it in step with the realities of today’s security environment.

Finally, we must address serious shortcomings in implementing our commitments to respect human rights and fundamental freedoms. Empowering civil society is key to the future of this region and the OSCE as a whole. Last night, I was privileged to attend a town hall meeting with NGO leaders from across the OSCE at Eurasian University. I was impressed by their commitment to build a better life for their fellow citizens and we all must recognize civil society as a partner that challenges our governments to do better.
The essential human dimension of the OSCE’s vision of lasting security demands that we do more to make good on the promise of Helsinki. It is not enough to design a national human rights plan if it isn’t implemented. It is not enough for governments to empower only the civil society organizations they agree with while crippling others with legal restrictions and red tape. And is it not enough for a constitution to guarantee freedom of the press if in reality, journalists are put under pressure and even assaulted.
In fact, it is not enough just to hold elections. The whole process must be free and fair with the benefit of monitoring by the OSCE. And once in office, elected officials must govern democratically and build strong institutions. Yes, the list is long, but we’re not asking participating states to accept new principles or rights – only to honor existing commitments. 

As President Gerald Ford famously said in Helsinki at the signing of the Final Act, history will judge this conference not by what we say here today; by what we do tomorrow. Not by the promises we make, but the promises we keep. That is why I believe our reaffirmation of Helsinki principles ought to be accompanied by a focus on implementation. Let’s take an honest look at where implementation is weak and build our framework of action to address those areas where we need to do more.
The legacy of Helsinki is a road we have committed to travel together, not a destination. But it is a road that must be open to all people wherever they live. Consensus is our organizing procedure and our guiding principle, but we must not allow it to be an impediment to effective action. Our goal here in Astana should be to move forward on democracy, human rights, economic growth, and strengthening our security community. In other words, let’s embrace the vision of Helsinki and apply it faithfully in this new century. And if we can do that, then we will not only have a successful summit; we can indeed create a safer, freer, and more prosperous future together.
Thank you. (Applause.)

Vereinigtes Königreich von Großbritannien und Nordirland

STATEMENT BY DEPUTY PRIME MINISTER,
THE RIGHT HONOURABLE NICK CLEGG MP
It is an honour to address you as Deputy Prime Minister of the new Coalition
Government in the UK.
I’d like to thank our hosts, President Nazarbayev and Chairman-in-Office Saudabayev, and the OSCE Secretary-General and Secretariat. They deserve enormous credit for bringing us together like this, for the first time in over a decade. For the first time this century. 35 years ago our predecessors came together, driven by their common needs, and created a space in which conflict became less likely. The question now for us is: can we make it unthinkable? I believe we can. But it will require a renewed commitment to each other; To the principles that govern our partnership: liberty, security, peace.
And to the rights and freedoms on which this organisation was founded.
In the 21st Century, authority can never be sustained by military power: it depends on
moral leadership. The new UK Government takes that extremely seriously. In our early months we have set in motion action to increase democratic accountability in our own political system. We are enhancing the privacy and personal freedom of our citizens; including through a review of measures to counter terrorism.
And, on the global stage, we have given clear commitments to international development, to multilateralism, and to the rule of international law.

Expectations on the OSCE
As we take these steps, we look to our friends here to make similar progress.
Allowing us, together, to write the next chapter for the OSCE. A new era of openness and cooperation, built on our shared values, spanning from Vancouver to Vladivostock.
Arms Control But to do that, we must be candid and active where major hurdles remain.
Not least on arms control and confidence building – the bedrock of the OSCE.
We need a serious effort to restore Europe’s arms control treaty regime. And all participating States must honour in full their obligations under the Vienna Document.


Protracted Conflicts
And where conflict still persists, we must seek resolution in good faith and with
conviction. 

On Moldova, our aim is to resume formal discussions on Moldova/Transnistria as soon as the new Moldovan Government has formed; And new energy must be injected into the 5+2 process. 

On Nagorno-Karabakh, we welcome the statement signed by Armenia and Azerbaijan and by the Minsk Group co-Chairs. Progress towards a settlement of this conflict would be truly historic and we urge all parties to grasp this opportunity to find a durable peace.

And, on Georgia, the UK, like the vast majority of states represented here,
unequivocally recognises Georgia’s territorial integrity and sovereignty within its
internationally-recognised borders. Russia must meet its ceasefire commitments and withdraw its troops from Abkhazia and South Ossetia. Re-establishing an OSCE Mission in Georgia is a matter of urgency. And we urge all parties to engage constructively at the Geneva talks. President Saakashvili’s announced willingness to make a non-use of force
declaration is welcome.

Let us hope this encourages all parties to commit to a resolution by peaceful means.
Afghanistan I would also like to congratulate the Chairmanship for their emphasis on OSCE engagement in Afghanistan. The ODIHR must continue its good work in supporting democracy there. And the UK is grateful for the contribution many states here make, whether it’s through troops, trade, aid, logistical support, or, crucially, to Afghanistan’s Northern Supply Route. It is vital that these rail and air corridors are maintained and enhanced. And it is right that we focus our efforts on Afghanistan’s Northern border – the frontline against the trafficking of drugs, weapons and people... A critical frontier in the fight to keep our own people safe. The UK encourages the OSCE to continue securing that border. And I can confirm today that we will be providing extra funds to the OSCE Border Staff College in Dushanbe, equipping Afghan officials to take on more of the
responsibility themselves.


Korea
I would also like, briefly, to mention another conflict of great concern - between North
and South Korea. The recent attack by North on South was indefensible.
Such unprovoked aggression demands global opprobrium... And the OSCE was right to make a statement in recognition of that. So let me take this opportunity to reiterate the UK’s strong condemnation of the attack, and our support for South Korea.


Human Dimension
On these and other conflicts, what is essential is that we are steadfast in our defence
of human rights, fundamental freedoms, democracy and the rule of law.
These commitments have always been at the core of the OSCE’s comprehensive
concept of security. They are not a reflection of Western values; not Eastern values either. They are the fundamental rights of all people, everywhere.
Yet, still, there are participating states who are not meeting their commitments.
The suppression of dissident voices. The mistreatment of minorities. Flawed
elections. These continue. And where they do, they are an affront to the promises
each of us has made. So the UK is clear: it is the duty of every state here to treat its people, all people, with dignity and respect. Blocking election monitoring, silencing the free media, wrecking the growth of civil society –these actions cannot be hidden; they cannot be ignored; and they drive us apart at a time when we are better off together.


Conclusion
We urge all participating states to embrace the rights and values that underpin the
OSCE. We believe that is how we will deliver a renaissance for this unique and important
group... Helping us bring peace and prosperity to our citizens and the wider world.
It will take political will. But, a generation ago, the leaders of OSCE states succeeded
in forging one of the most inspiring political partnerships of their time.
We should aim for nothing less.

Russische Föderation


Speech of the President of the Russian Federation 

D.A.Medvedev 

at the plenary meeting of the OSCE summit

Mr Nazarbayev, Mr Chairman, ladies and gentlemen,
This is the first time that an OSCE summit is taking place in the eastern part of the region the organisation covers. It makes me doubly happy to be here in the capital of friendly Kazakhstan, whose strenuous efforts and political will as country holding the OSCE presidency have given new impetus to the common European process. I take this opportunity to thank Kazakhstan once again for this summit’s excellent organisation.
This meeting is taking place in an anniversary year. 

The Helsinki Final Act was signed 35 years ago,
marking a new stage in the efforts to establish a common security space, and now common democratic space too, from Vancouver to Vladivostok.
The Russian Federation has affirmed its commitment to the Helsinki Final Act and its spirit on numerous occasions. One important step in this direction was the proposal we made in 2008 to conclude a legally binding treaty on European security that would guarantee indivisible security for the entire region. I want to thank you for the support that this initiative has received from the OSCE too. State representatives, political analysts and experts have been discussing this initiative over the last two‐and‐a‐half years, including in the Russia‐NATO Council, at Russia‐EU meetings, academic
forums, and in the OSCE as part of the Corfu process. Old stereotypes still remain strong perhaps, and this initiative might be a long way ahead of its time, but I am certain that sooner or later this treaty’s time will come.


Practically all OSCE members recognise now that dividing lines must become a thing of the past, all citizens, no matter where they live, have equal rights to security, and all countries taking part in whichever alliances must guarantee that their actions will not be to the detriment of the security of countries not part of these alliances. The summit’s draft political document on establishing a security community in the OSCE region follows this spirit. I am sure that we will be able to approve a reasonable and balanced document.


The world is changing fast, and the nature of risks and threats is changing with it. The Conference on Security coped with its tasks in the 1970‐80s, ensuring that political and ideological differences did not grow into conflict, and maintaining stability in Europe. Today, we must remain unswerving in our commitment to the OSCE principles, which establish peaceful relations between countries, set every human being’s right to life as the highest value, and exclude military force as a means for settling territorial disputes.
We are grateful for the support that many countries have given our proposals on arms control and confidence‐building measures. The process of renewing the 1999 Vienna document has already begun, and we hope that a new draft of this document will be approved in time for the 2011 ministerial meeting. We hope too to finally break the deadlock on the issue of the conventional arms control regime. This is not just our hope but is something we will work on actively, helping to find solutions to these issues.


The OSCE countries face new challenges in security’s humanitarian dimension too. This has already been spoken about today. We are all long since living in a common information space. True, this information space is still far from ideal, and we need to work at national and international level to settle the question of access to information, and also protect the information environment from extremists while at the same time protecting and guaranteeing people’s rights and freedoms.


We cannot build a common democratic Euro‐Atlantic space unless we fulfil our obligations to give people freedom of movement. Let us recall that the organisation’s member states agreed back in 1975 to simplify visa procedures, and in 1989 agreed to examine the question of abolishing entry visas, but sadly, we have made no progress on this issue. It remains one of the big problems that we discuss as part of our relations with the European Union, for example. We are ready to move forward on this issue and take action.


The globalisation era with its openness, access and mobility offers us not just new opportunities but also brings us new trials. We need to manage a constantly changing environment and combine financial and economic interests with the needed level of social protection. Of course, we need to maintain our moral principles too and not be tempted by ‘simple solutions’ of the kind that populists and radicals like to offer. This is especially important in any case for Russia, with its centuries‐old traditions of interethnic and inter‐faith harmony.


Of course, all countries have their own national agendas. We are all thinking about how to respond to new dangers, and there are no universal recipes in this sense. But the OSCE, with its unique potential, could do much more to help us resolve these problems and address transnational threats such as terrorism, human trafficking, drugs crime and other threats. We also need to reflect on the contribution the OSCE can make to cooperation on emergency responses to natural and manmade disasters.


Perhaps most important of all is to develop a set of common principles for conflict resolution, to be applied in all crisis situations and not just selected cases. These principles are not resorting to force, reaching agreements between the parties, respect for negotiation and peacekeeping decisions, and protecting the rights of civilians in the conflict zone. I stress the point that conflicts must be settled exclusively through peaceful means. Using military force, as the Georgian leadership did in South Ossetia in August 2008, is totally unacceptable. 


Russia is consistent in its desire to breathe new life into the Helsinki principles and put them into practice. This requires us to modernise the OSCE, modernise its forms and style of work. The organisation has begun to lose its potential, and this is something we need to look at frankly. I think we cannot simply keep producing new obligations and instruments to enforce them, but need to give the organisation a clearer legal base and establish universal rules for the use of its resources. Russia has worked together with its partners to produce a draft OSCE charter and proposals forimproving its organisational work. This is the only way to keep  the organisation relevant and integrate it organically into the new global system that is starting to take shape. I am sure that, using the cooperation‐based Security Platform that was adopted in 1999, the OSCE can become a driving force for developing cooperation between NATO, the European Union, the Council of Europe, the Commonwealth of Independent States, and the Collective Security Treaty Organisation. All of the countries in these organisations are also members of the OSCE, and in this sense the OSCE is a universal forum.


Thirty‐five years ago, during the height of the Cold War, our predecessors rose above ideological differences and took decisions that were truly revolutionary for their time. Today, when ideological barriers no longer stand in our way and military confrontation has ended, we can and must join forces to resolve the problems before us.
I want to wish the future OSCE chairs success in their work, and congratulate Ukraine on being chosen to preside over the organisation in 2013. I wish you all success in this difficult but important job. Thank you for your attention.

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